Malaysia's lingering ethnic divide

By Robin Brant
BBC News, Malaysia

The protestors were calling for equal treatment and opportunities
Malaysia's prime minister has ordered his government to take a fresh look at recruitment levels of non-Malays, after thousands of ethnic Indians took to the streets to protest against what they say is years of discrimination.

At least 10,000 people gathered in central Kuala Lumpur last week to demonstrate against the unfair treatment they say they have had to endure.

Police used tear gas and water cannon to break up the marches.

The level of support was unprecedented, but, aside from the numbers involved, what has particularly concerned the Malaysian government is the ethnic division the protest highlighted.

Modern Malaysia is built on the co-existence of three ethnic groups - Malays, Chinese and Indians.

The protesters were Indians, who make up around 8% of the population, railing against the Malay majority, who account for about 60%.

The country has quotas that ensure preferential treatment for Malays looking for work or those who want to set up a business.

The Indians say this means they lose out.

Fears realised

P Uthayakumar is one of the lawyers who lead the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) - the organisation behind last Sunday's protest march.

Along with two colleagues, he was arrested and charged with sedition before the event, but later released without charge.

He says discrimination was something Indians have always been worried about.

"The term of reference of Malaysia's independence was equality for all communities, and there were many fears of the Indian community 51 years ago, just before we achieve independence," he said.

Now, 50 years on, as Malaysia looks forward to a new era of development, Mr Uthayakumar says those fears have become a reality.

"There was even one suggestion made... that we would be completely at the mercy of the Malay [Muslim] majority. Today it has become completely true," he said.

Unequal funding

The marchers were calling for fairer treatment. Education is a key complaint.

They say their Tamil-speaking schools do not get the same money as other public schools, which means the level of teaching is lower.

But in the area of the capital where the Indian community is centred, 21-year-old graduate and telecoms engineer Tavan Aysan said he had done very well out of Malaysia's education system.

"In my case I didn't face that sort of a problem,' he said, but added: "It could be my luck."

But the people around us as we spoke, getting on with their work, illustrated the problem many complain of.

There were men cooking on the pavements as street vendors, and others weaving startlingly bright flower petals into beautiful garlands.

In modern Malaysia, the place where Apple makes its mice and Sony assembles many of its gadgets, flower arranging is not the way to a comfortable future.

Heightened anxiety

The two million Indians in Malaysia are predominantly Hindus, and the Hindraf campaigners say there has been religious discrimination too.

Hindu temples have been torn down to make way for new buildings without proper consultation, they claim.

All of this would be valid grounds for complaint in the eyes of many governments but in Malaysia, protests are not acceptable.

Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi warned people that taking to the streets was not "the proper way" in Malaysia.

Even some Indians disagree with the cause of the Hindu Rights Action Force. Those Indians are the ones in government.

The Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) is a founder member of Malaysia's coalition government, the Barisan Nasional (National Front), which has governed the country in some form since its independence 50 years ago.

MIC Secretary General Dr S Subramaniam said that street protests were "a culture which is totally foreign to this country".

"The people of this country are not used to it," he said.

"They are concerned because of the multi-racial element in this country... it can grow into something which cannot be controlled."

Concern about racial tension boiling over is not just because of what might happen, but because of what did happen.

Hundreds died in racial riots in Malaysia in 1969, when the country was barely a decade old.

The government sees any attempt to replicate that unrest as a threat to the nation itself.

'Social transition'

But there is also a contemporary political element to these protests.

A general election is coming here, probably in the new year, and the race card is a vote winner, although you are unlikely to hear many say that overtly.

At the recent annual assembly for Umno - the main party of Malays and the main party in the governing coalition - the politicians warned people not to challenge Malay rights, which lie at the foundations of modern-day Malaysia.

Mr Uthayakumar said that the protest rallies would go on if the prime minister did not begin a dialogue with his organisation.

Further marches are planned across Malaysia over the coming weeks, part of separate campaigns for different causes.

But it is clear that some in this country now seem to have got the bug for demonstrating.

The key difference with last weekend's protest was that it was a protest rooted in ethnic division.

That is why it is such a cause for concern for Malaysia's government.

Malaysia: Malapportioned Districts and Over-Representation of Rural Communities

Material written by Jeremy Grace under the USAID sponsored Delimitation Equity Project


Malaysia utilizes a simple plurality First Past the Post (FPTP) electoral system modeled on the British Westminster System, with 219 single member constituencies (SMCs) used for electing representatives to the House of Representative. In the most recent elections of March 2004, the ruling coalition won 90% of the seats in the House (198 out of the 219) with only 60% of the national vote. Opposition parties lost more than half of their 45 seats in the election, winning only 10% of the seats (20 seats) despite attracting nearly 40% of the votes nationwide.

Since independence, Malaysia has been governed by a coalition of political parties named the Barisan Nasional (BN) [1]. While striving to promote the multi-ethnic nature of the coalition, true power resides with the dominant ethnic Malay party, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO). Other coalition members also represent specific ethnic groups but retain very little autonomy from UMNO. Parties outside the coalition have never captured more than 40% of the seats in Parliament and under the current electoral framework, they never will.

The BN’s tight control over the election process has limited the ability of opposition parties to successfully contest elections. The Election Commission is seen as one of the primary instruments through which the BN has manipulated the election process for its own political gain [2].

Electoral System

Malaysia is technically a monarchy, although the “Paramount Ruler” (Yang di-Pertuan Agong) is elected every five years by and from the hereditary rulers of nine Malay states and plays a very limited role in governing the country. At the national level, the federation has a bicameral legislature consisting of the Senate (Dewan Negara) and the House of Representatives (Dewan Rakyat). Of the 69 members of the Senate, 43 are appointed by the king, with the remaining 26 elected from the state legislatures. The Senate is generally considered little more than a rubber-stamp for legislation passed by the House of Representatives.

The House consists of 219 members (increased from 193 in 2003) elected from single member constituencies throughout Malaysia’s thirteen states and three federal territories. The Federation of Malaysia utilizes a plurality first-past-the post electoral formula based on single-member constituencies. Elections are to be called at least once every five years and, since independence in 1957, elections have taken place every fifth year.

Legal Framework for Delimitation

The Election Law Malaysian elections are governed both by the constitution and by the “Elections Act of 1958,” both of which are subject to frequent amendment. The Constitution stipulates the FPTP formula and establishes criteria for the Election Commission.

Election Commission Established in 1957, the Malaysian Election Commission is charged with conducting elections for the House of Representatives and state legislatures. The Commission is also charged with recommending changes to constituency boundaries, which are then implemented by the federal government. The Commission is also responsible for the planning and oversight of all of the technical aspects of voter registration and elections. It also acts as a judicial body, hearing grievances from both candidates and electors about any aspect of the election process.

The Commission originally consisted of three members, a chairman and two subordinates. In 1963 an additional member was added to represent the states of Sabah and Sarawak. In 1981, the post of Deputy Chairman was established, bringing the total number of members of the commission to five, where it remains today. All members are appointed by the Paramount Ruler in consultation with the Conference of Rulers, an unelected body consisting of the executives of each state. The five members may serve until the mandatory retirement age of sixty-five, and may be removed from office only by a special tribunal called by the Prime Minister. Members of Parliament may not serve on the Commission [3].

The Election Commission is not a fully autonomous body. The Constitution stipulates, “so far as may be necessary for the purposes of its functions under this Article the Election Commission may make rules, but any such rules shall have effect subject to the provisions of federal law.” Therefore, any provision created by the Commission can be reversed by a federal law. In addition, any recommendations for changes to constituency boundaries proposed by the Commission must first go to the Prime Minister, who may make alterations as he sees fit. The Prime Minister then submits the proposal to the House of Representatives, which then approves or disapproves of the delimitation plan [4].

Criteria for Delimitation All criteria for the delimitation of electoral boundaries are contained in the Federal Constitution, as modified by periodic “Amendment Acts.” Core principles related to districting criteria include:

1) Delimitation may not take place more frequently than once every eight years;

2) No single delimitation exercise may take longer than two years to complete;

3) The recommendation of the Commission is submitted to the Prime Minister, who must then present it to the House of Representatives with or without amendment for a simple-majority vote [5].

The core issue confronting the Malay election system is the constitutional provision guaranteeing over-representation of rural constituencies. This principle was a product of negotiations held between the British colonial authorities and the two main Malay independence movements during the 1950s. In 1953, the British established a 46-member committee of the Federal Legislative Council to make proposals for a post-independence electoral system. The Committee recommended equality of population across the SMC districts but qualified this proposal by including an exception for rural areas. Since ethnic Malays predominated in the rural areas and non-ethnic Malays resided primarily in the urban centers, this “rural weightage” effectively ensured Malay dominance of the political system.

The Committee report held that: “the number of inhabitants within each constituency should be approximately equal except that, having regard to the greater difficulty of contacting voters in the country districts and the other disadvantages facing rural constituencies, a measure of weightage … should be given to the rural constituencies.” [6] The original 1957 Constitution contained a provision limiting the size discrepancy between any two districts to no more than 15%. This restriction, however, has since been eliminated by constitutional amendments in 1962 and 1973 [7].

Gerrymandering Districts to Benefit Ruling Party

Size Discrepancies in Districts One of the biggest complaints from the opposition has been that the ruling party, the BN, through electoral gerrymandering, has slowly eroded the principle of “one man, one vote.” Districts that have traditionally demonstrated strong support for opposition parties often have disproportionately large populations when compared to those districts that have traditionally supported the BN. For example, Penang – a state where opposition parties have done very well in the past – averaged 50,838 voters per district; on the other hand, Perlis, which has typically supported the ruling party, averaged only 33,032 voters per district in 1990 [8].

Gerrymandering by the BN also appears to favor the native Malay population, traditionally strong supporters of the party, at the expense of the large Chinese and Indian minorities. The Malay population tends to live in more rural areas, whereas the Indian and Chinese tend to live in the urban centers. The delimitation exercise in 1994 created rural districts with much smaller populations than their urban counterparts. For example, the constituency of Hulu Rajang, a rural district with a large Malay population in Sarawak, has an electorate of 16,085 and sends one representative to the House; Ampang Jaya, an urban constituency near the capital, with an electorate of 98,954 also sends only one representative to the House [9]. While the constitution does allow for increased weightage to be given to rural constituencies, the elimination of the 15% limit by the BN has allowed for extremely large discrepancies.

2003 Delimitation Proposal The most recent round of electoral boundary delimitation, which took place in early 2003, sparked numerous complaints from opposition parties. In 2002, the BN asked the Electoral Commission to develop a new proposal for electoral boundaries to reflect changing population demographics. In response, the Commission developed a plan to create 25 new seats in the House of Representatives and 53 new state assembly seats. The House of Representatives subsequently approved the plan on April 8, 2003.

From the very beginning, opposition members opposed the plan, declaring it unconstitutional and claiming that, “the EC had not acted fairly and professionally in accordance with the principles of democracy." [10] In response, the BN proposed that all criticisms could be aired during the parliamentary debate on the proposal. As angry opposition party members publicly vented their frustration, however, the BN refused to address the issues raised and ended debate after just two days. Forty-four opposition members walked out just before the final vote to protest against both the proposal itself and the BN’s abuse of parliamentary procedure [11].

The DAP (Democratic Action Party) also raised a challenge against the plan under the Election Commission’s grievance process. The Commission’s chairman refused to hear the grievance, however, claiming that “although [the DAP] did submit a personal letter asking me to reconsider the State's proposal on the delineation, [it] could not come up with a counter proposal which can grant a representation to be made and enable the EC to conduct [a] local inquiry to hear and consider appeals or objections.” The Commission effectively made it impossible for anyone to file objections to the plan unless they offered a full counter-proposal. The chairman of the Commission also refused to hear any objections filed on behalf of “an organization, political party, or certain communities.” [12]

Changes in the 2003 Delimitation The delimitation proposal passed by Parliament created 25 new constituencies – most of which emerged out of districts that had overwhelmingly supported the BN during the 1999 general election [13]. Many of the changes seem to blatantly ignore population trends. For example, the state of Selangor, with a population of 4.19 million and an annual growth rate of 6.1 % since the 1991 census, received five new seats. Johor, however, with a population of 2.74 million and an annual growth rate of 2.6%, was granted six new seats. Given the much larger total population and the much higher growth rate, Selangor should have received more new constituencies than Johor. The reason for the inconsistency is obvious: In the 1998 election, the BN only won 54.8% of the popular vote in Selangor, whereas in Johor they won 75.2% of the vote [14].

The 2003 delimitation produced the highest population variations of any previous delimitation exercise. For example, Johore Bahru now has an electorate of approximately 90,000 voters, while Lenggong has approximately 21,000 voters – a population variation of over 325 percent. The maximum population deviation created by the 1994 delimitation was 250 percent [15].

Conclusion

Although Malaysian voters are generally free from overt forms of intimidation during the voting process, more subtle forms of manipulation by the ruling BN party has created a system that is less than fair for opposition parties. Evidence of defective voting rolls, manipulation of postal votes, instances of vote buying through promises of lavish government programs in certain constituencies, and manipulation of the Electoral Commission have helped to maintain the BN’s control over the government.

The boundary delimitation process has been a primary tool in the BN’s manipulation of the electoral process for several reasons:

Elimination of constitutional safeguards protecting the independence of the EC: The original constitution contained a provision allowing no more than 15 percent deviation between constituency populations. Constitutional amendments have removed the 15% limit which, when coupled with the provision allowing for increase weight to be given to rural districts, have allowed for gross discrepancies in constituency populations.

Lack of independence of the Election Commission: The Government appoints all members of the EC, and all recommendations made by the EC must pass through the Government in order to take effect. The BN has been able to hastily push through delimitation proposals without serious debate in Parliament.
The Election Commission’s unresponsiveness to complaints: The commission has proven unwilling to answer grievances against delimitation plans brought by political parties or other groups. The difficulty in judicially challenging EC decisions, coupled with the questionable independence of the judiciary [16], has allowed the Commission to avoid any serious challenges.


Appendix A: Seats Won by State & Party in the 1999 General Elections [17]



* The BN won 148 out of 193 seats, but won only 56% of the popular vote.

Appendix B: Population by State [18] (in thousands) State



Appendix C: Change in Seat Allocation, 1994 to 2002 [19]



Notes:

[1] Malaysia is a federation consisting of thirteen states and two federal territories. Eleven states and the federal territories are contiguously attached on the Malay Peninsula, and two additional states (Sabah and Sarawak) are on the Island of Borneo. These latter states joined the federation only in 1963 and are accorded special representation rights under their ascension agreements.

[2] US State Department Annual Human Rights Report, 1999.

[3] Art. 114 (3) Malaysian Constitution.

[4] Thirteenth Schedule to the Malaysian Constitution, Part II (8&9).

[5] Other principles include constituencies not crossing state boundaries, availability of administrative facilities for carrying out elections, size of constituencies, and the desire to avoid excessive changes to constituencies; these are to “as far as possible be taken into account.” Ibid. Part I (2) (a-d).

[6] Ibid. Part I (2) (c).

[7] See, Lim Hong Hai, “Electoral Politics in Malaysia: Managing Elections in a Plural Society,” and “The Electoral Process,” available at http://www.malaysia.net/aliran/hr/js10.html.

[8] “The Electoral Process,” available at http://www.malaysia.net/aliran/hr/js10.html.

[9] Arjuna Ranawana, “The Maps to Power: Anwar’s Claims Fill the Court and the Media,” Asiaweek.com, 5 November 1999, available at http://www.asiaweek.com/asiaweek/magazine/99/1105/nat.malaysia2.html.

[10] “EC Chief: Constituency Delineation Exercise Constitutional,” New Straight Times, 6 March 2003, 2.

[11] “Parliament OK’s re-Delineation of Electoral Boundaries,” Financial Times, 8 April 2003.

[12] “EC Chief: Constituency Delineation Exercise Constitutional,” Malaysia Election Commission Online available at http://www.spr.gov.my/surat_khabar/2003/060303_nst.html.

[13] Lim Kit Siang, “DAP Will Challenge the Constitutionality of the 2002 Electoral Constituency re-Delineation Exercise,” DAP Media Statement, available at http://www.malaysia.net/dap/lks1804.htm.

[14] “Population Distribution and Basic Demographic Characteristics Report,” Malaysian Department of Statistics, available at http://www.statistics.gov.my/English/pressdemo.htm; “Re-delineation Exercise in Sabah Based on Current Needs, Says EC,” Financial Times Asia Africa Newswire, 4 April 2003; also see Appendix A for 1999 general election results and Appendix B for population figures.

[15] Siang, op. cit.

[16] See 2005 United States State Department 2005 Annual Human Rights Report.

[17] “Malaysian General Election 1999,” available at http://www.sadec.com/Election/parliment.html.

[18] The World Gazetteer, available at http://www.world-gazetteer.com/fr/fr_my.htm.

[19] http://www.malaysia.net/aliran/monthly/2002/8f.html

British MPs slam Malaysia over treatment of Hindus

(IANS) - Members of the British parliament have demanded that the Malaysian government scrap plans to demolish Hindu temples and allow legitimate protests against it.

In a strongly worded statement, they have also urged the British government to take up the matter on their behalf and 'make the strongest possible representation' to Kuala Lumpur.

The MPs' demand comes after the Malaysian police used force to break up protests by Hindus during HINDRAF Rally complaining of decades of neglect and discrimination by the government in Kuala Lumpur.

The police action has been criticised around the world.

'This House notes with grave concern the stated intention of the government of Malaysia to demolish 79 Hindu temples,' said the House of Commons Early Day Motion that has been signed by 19 MPs so far.

The MPs called upon their government 'to make the strongest possible representations to the Malaysian government both to cease the programme of demolition and to allow this legitimate voice of protest to be heard without physical interference'.

The EDM was moved Thursday by Stephen Pound, ruling Labour Party MP for Ealing North, and signed among others by Keith Vaz, the longest-serving Asian MP in Britain, and Ann Cryer, a member of the influential Home Affairs Select Committee.

Fearless Indians fight for rights (Malaysiakini)

by K Kabilan (from Malaysiakini)
Nov 26, 07 4:17pm +0800 GMT

“Let’s see how makkal sakti (Tamil for ‘people power’) works now,” was Hindraf chairperson P Waythamoorthy’s reaction, just after he and two other key leaders were arrested 48 hours before the rally planned by the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf).

And on Sunday, the people - almost all from the Hindu community - responded impressively by taking part in the rally which attracted an estimated 30,000 from all over the country.

Waythamoorthy (right) and his brother Uthayakumar (left)are the prime movers behind Hindraf. Apart from often being the first to react with a grassroots presence whenever an incident involves the community, they have also held a successful nationwide roadshow to remind Indians of their rights.

In the process, Hindraf has tapped the anger within the community, and it was shown by those who participated in the rally and the thousands of others who were prevented by the police from entering Kuala Lumpur.

The real heroes, though, were the protesters.

This was a crowd which is angry with the way Indian Malaysians are being treated. They are fed-up with being downtrodden. They are frustrated with being treated as third-class citizens in their own country.

So, they had no hesitation about accepting Hindraf’s invitation to come to Kuala Lumpur to express their anger despite the prior warnings issued by the polic and political leaders - and in defiance of a restraining order that could see them jailed for contempt of court.

As many told Malaysiakini, the most recent demolition of a Hindu temple in Klang was the catalyst for their presence.

‘Hear our voice’

Many of the protesters were out-of-towners. They have been deprived of a forum and the opportunity to say their piece. Many are also MIC supporters, now with full regret that the only Indian-based party in the Barisan Nasional has been helpless in stopping temple demolitions.

“This is the end. We have come here to protest against how the government treats us. They can beat us today. They can put us in prison. We don’t care. We want to tell the government that we are fed up,” said 52-year-old S Aiyakannu from Old Klang Road.

His son Palani led a three-bus convoy from up north.

“For us, it is like a life or death situation. If our voice is heard today, good. Otherwise, this frustrated community will have to show that we can’t be taken for a ride at all time,” he added.

Others shared his sentiments. Many have not seen Waythamoorthy or his brother Uthayakumar but have heard of their movement to mobilise the community fo the rally.

“We have had enough of this bad treatment. They (government) can’t push us any lower. This is the limit. I am not here to support Hindraf’s suit against the UK government but I want to be here to show my anger,” said K Suresh from Sungai Petani.

The majority of the crowd was well-behaved, showing expected grit in the face of the heavy police presence and eventual use of water cannon and tear gas.

Every time they were sprayed with chemical-laced water and tear gas, they retreated only to come forward, in a bigger number.

Many carried posters of Mahatma Gandhi to symbolise their pacifist stand, and carried none of the banners and posters usually associated with political rallies.

The protesters gathered at about nine locations around Jalan Ampang and the KLCC . Every time they were stopped from marching forward, they would disperse and regroup at another spot. (See map below)

At times, they even managed to disperse and regroup behind the police line, forcing the FRU trucks and street personnel to turn around or alter their positions.

Ready for battle

Eyewitnesses say that reports of protesters hurting the police are exaggerated. In most spots, it was the other way round with the protesters taking the brunt of tear gas and chemical-laced water.

While no one disputes that police response had initially been retrained, the kid gloves came off the moment they started arresting the protesters for breaching the court order that banned the rally. Some were dragged along the road and hurled into waiting police trucks.

Even as they were being arrested, many submitted without resistance or complain. One old man was heard saying that he was proud to be arrested over a cause for his community.

Similar sentiments were heard when the protesters were hit with water and tear gas.

“We are people who work hard to live. We don’t work in air-conditioned offices like the KL people. We work under the sun and rain. We are hardy. Let them hit us with anything. We will stand still,” said Raman, a bus driver from Batang Berjuntai, Selangor.



Comical moments

Although emotions sometimes ran high, there were some light-hearted moments at the expense of the police, which lifted the spirits of the protesters.

On one occasion, police fired rounds of tear gas at their own men, totally missing about 1,000 protesters standing in the vicinity.

Seeing the men-in-blue running helter-skelter brought them joy, as much as seeing a Caucasian jogging in the middle of a stand-off between protesters and the police, oblivious to the tension around him!

The police did their best to disperse the crowd. After realising that tear gas, water cannon and arrests were not doing the job, they started telling the protesters that Hindraf leaders had submitted the memorandum as planned to the British High Commission.

They also said that Hindraf leaders had called for the protesters to disperse.

The protesters however were not buying any of this, telling the police to just let them march to the high commission and disperse from there.

“Never mind about the memorandum. Just let us walk peacefully right up to the high commission,” said a young man who was soon arrested for breaching the court order.

By the end of the six-hour cat-and-mouse game, it was the police who grew tired. Towards the end, they only concentrated on protecting their cordon around the high commission.

Wake-up call

One thing is sure. This was not a political protest. This was a protest against the marginalisation of the Indian community. It was a case of the community hitting the streets because they have no where else to take entrenched problems.

The show of force must surely be a wake-up call, not just for the community but also for MIC and the government.

Government leaders and the police can insist that the gathering was illegal but an overwhelming people power proved on Sunday that sentiments on the ground should not be neglected.

The Hindraf rally was the second mass protest this month - after the Bersih rally on Nov 10 - and the third if we include the lawyers’ ‘Walk for Justice’ in Putrajaya last month.

The protesters on all three occasions had no fear whatsoever in making their stand - and at each event, the police could not find a definitive tactic to put them off their purpose.

If the momentum continues, the people power as envisaged by Waythamoorthy, could well lead to changes that are long overdue.

A Gandhi-inspired mass civil disobedience (Malaysiakini)

(from Malaysiakini)
Andrew Ong
Nov 25, 07 5:38pm +0800 GMT

Hindraf legal advisor P Uthayakumar, has declared the movement’s rally today “a success” despite not being able to hand a petition to the British High Commission.



In addressing one of the last large group of Hindraf supporters to disperse from the rally, Uthayakumar, who is Hindraf’s most recognisable face, said the Indians had succeeded in sending their message regardless of the status of the petition.

“Despite the police attempts to torture us, we still manage to gather peacefully as united Indians. We have succeeded, the police have failed,” he told a crowd of nearly 2,000 supporters who clap and cheered whenever he finished a sentence.

Tear gas and chemical-laced water were fired on Hindraf supporters who defied police orders to disperse from the banned rally for nearly six hours.

Crowds comprising of Indians from all over the country have gathered today in support of a class-action suit against the British government for bringing the Indians here as indentured labourers.

Many observers have noted that the petition part of a new movement aimed at empowering the Indian community - the third largest yet among the poorest ethnic groups in Malaysia – in giving a voice to their discontent.


Emulating Gandhi

Numerous Hindraf supporters wore saffron headband or T-shirts. Dozens more were wearing a portrait of Indian independence activist and pacifist, Mahatma Gandhi.

Like Gandhi, the Hindraf supporters were out to show mass civil disobedience and it was prominently shown by a crowd of almost 5,000 near the Hotel Maya at Jalan Ampang.

For at least five times, the crowd would run helter-skelter at each ‘water canon charge’, only to defiantly claim back their original positions, chanting “We want justice!” in both Tamil and English.

A Tamachelvy, from Klang, told Malaysiakini that she, along with her 60-year-old father, attended this rally after hearing about the spate of Hindu temple demolitions.

“We felt very hurt after watching VCDs about how the government would destroy our temples. We are Malaysians but our government treats us like foreigners,” she said.

Tamachelvy, like many other Hindraf supporters, said that the government ban on the rally was unjust, as they have limited means to collectively voice their grievances.


Police exercise ‘restraint’

Meanwhile, the police exercised their duties with obvious signs of restraint, when compared to the many past brutal crackdowns on public dissent.

At about 8am today, police issued repeated warnings to a group of roughly 2,000 Hindraf supporters who had gathered near Plaza Ampang along Jalan Tun Razak, a stone’s throw away from the British High Commission.

Each of these warnings went unheeded, resulting in the crowd being showered twice with water.

But when a third warning was ignored as well, the police fired streams of chemical-laced water at the protestors - many of them seated - before sending in plainclothes police personnel to arrest several dozen Hindraf supporters.

There were several reports of police personnel beating Hindraf supporters.

However, inspector-general of police Musa Hassan told Al Jazeera in a live telephone interview that the police had exercise restraint in controlling the crowd.

“We were restraining ourselves not to use force. There was no body contact,” said Musa, who was heavily rumoured to have overseen police operations in a helicopter.

More than 400 detained

It is believed that the police - a Muslim-Malay majority outfit - had intentionally restrained themselves to avoid turning the event into a racial clash.

Unlike previous demonstrations, media personnel also expressed appreciation over the police’s directive specifically for the media to get out of harm’s way when they take action.

According to the Bar Council team of observers, police detained more than 400 people during the rally today.

Lawyer Edmund Bon told Malaysiakini that more than 400 people are being detained at the Jalan Semarak police academy (Pulapol) while at estimated 69 others are detained at the Kuala Lumpur police contingent headquarters.

“(At about 3.30pm) they finally allowed us in at Pulapol to see the detainees. The police have promised to feed the detainees and release all of them this evening,” he said.

Ethnic Indians protest in Malaysia (Al Jazeera)

(from Al Jazeera)


Malaysian police have used tear gas and water cannons against a street protest by thousands of ethnic Indians in the capital, Kuala Lumpur.



Many ethnic Indians have complained that they are marginalised in terms of employment and business by a government dominated by politicians from the majority of ethnic Malays.

Malaysian authorities had already cracked down violently on a protest that was critical of the government earlier in November.

Hamish MacDonald, Al Jazeera's correspondent in Kuala Lumpur, said: "Ethnic Indians are one of the minority ethnic groups in Malaysia. These people believe they are given a raw deal by the government.

"The Malaysia government has laws which favour the Malay Muslim majority, and the ethnic Indians feel that they are not represented properly.

"They tried to hand over a petition at the British High Commission this morning, because they feel that this disadvantage goes back to the colonial days.

"Since then the protest has moved towards the city centre and turned violent.

"The police have fired water cannons and many, many rounds of tear gas into the faces of the protesters. The protest has since turned into a street battle," he said.

Warnings

Protesters denied official warnings to stay away from the planned rally in the capital, which had been organised by a Hindu rights group to draw attention to complaints of government discrimination against the minority ethnic Indian community.

Witnesses said Indians had regrouped a few hundred metres from British High Commission to call on the former colonial ruler to make reparations for bringing Indians to Malaysia as indentured labour just over a century ago.

A lawsuit filed recently seeks $4 trillion in compensation for the estimated two-million ethnic Indians whose ancestors were brought over to Malaysia as labourers by Britain in the 1800s.

Ethnic Indians make up about 7 per cent of the population.

Forming 60 per cent of the nation's 27 million people, ethnic Malay Muslims make up the majority group, while 26 per cent are Chinese.

10,000 Hindraf protesters rally in KLCC (Malaysiakini)

(from Malaysiakini)
Nov 25, 07 10:22am

About 10,000 protesters demonstrated under the shadows of Kuala Lumpur’s iconic Twin Towers after their efforts to petition the British High Commission was thwarted by the police with tear gas and chemical-laced water cannon.

The protesters had attempted to gather outside the high commission early this morning but thousand were pushed back by the riot police to outside a two-kilometre radius of the venue.

However, the protesters later joined the another crowd gathered in Kuala Lumpur City Centre (KLCC) which surged to between 10,000 and 15,000 by 9.30am.

The protesters – a mix of young and old Indian Malaysians from all parts of the country - were addressed by Hindraf leaders, including P Uttayakumar.

Meanwhile, the police are firing tear gas and chemical-laced water into the defiant crowd every 10 minutes. Each time, the crowd retreated and then surged forward.

'This is outrageous'

Hindraf leader A Sivanesan condemned the police for turning Kuala Lumpur into a war zone.

"Things are getting out of hand. We blame the police. They have beaten women and children. This is outrageous," he told Malaysiakini.

"But this will not stop us from submitting the memorandum and we will try to find a way to do that."

Lawyer Haris Ibrahim, who is leading at 10-member Bar Council monitoring team, was stunned by the heavy-handed police action against the protesters.

"We're not happy with the way the police are handling the crowd."

DAP member of parliament M Kulasegaran was also upset with the crackdown.

"Over the last 50 years Indian have been marginalised in this country. And we now want the same rights as enjoyed by other communities," he told AFP.

"They have no right to stop us from protesting today. This is the will of the people," he added.

Petition to Queen Elizabeth II

The planned protest is to support a lawsuit by the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) against Malaysia's former colonial power for bringing Indians to Malaysia as indentured labourers and exploiting them for 150 years.

Furthermore, the suit sought a declaration that the Reid Commission Report 1957 failed to incorporate the rights of the Indian community when independence was granted, resulting in discrimination and marginalisation to this day.

The quantum being sought is about US$2 million for every Indian currently residing in Malaysia.

Following the filing of the suit, Hindraf held nationwide roadshows explaining to grassroots about the case.

Coupled with their work to prevent rampant state-sanctioned demolition of Hindu temples, Hindraf won over a wave of support for their cause.

Today's memorandum was to petition Queen Elizabeth II to appoint a Queen's counsel to argue the case on their behalf.

VOTE FOR OUR CHILDREN’S FUTURE

By SH Tan

Now that the euphoria of our country’s 50th Independence Anniversary celebrations has subsided, the coming GE will be the next major act. We can expect a lot more “feel good” statements from the Government coming soon. It is often said that Malaysians have short memories and “mudah lupa”.

The 11th GE in March 2004 saw PM Abdullah and his team winning 91% of the parliamentary seats. There was much chest thumping by Abdullah and his troupe as they celebrated an overwhelming mandate from the rakyat. Our Malaysian Parliamentary Democracy system is such that we can have a situation where the majority of the rakyat do not vote for the BN and yet the BN can still be the ruling party. This can be achieved by creative delineation of the parliamentary constituencies. With shifting demographics and changing voting trends, delineation exercises attempt to neutralise the opposition votes in unsafe areas to favour the ruling party. The 2004 delineation exercise had been so well gerrymandered that 64% of the popular votes was able to secure the BN 91% of the parliamentary seats. That’s right, only 64% of the rakyat voted for the BN government and yet they controlled 91% of Parliament. With a near total control of Parliament, little wonder that the country’s august House has degenerated into a circus. Bills are pushed through and the imbecile conduct of some MP’s has put this country to shame. To say the quality of the debates are low is an overstatement. What can you expect when the level of the candidates who were voted in are at such low mentality level? First world country, third world mentality? It started from our lawmakers. We deserve the Government we voted for.

Summary of 21 March 2004 Dewan Rakyat Election Results
(Source: The Star and www.parlimen.gov.my)

Parties - % popular votes - No. parliamentary seats - % of seats
UMNO - 35.9 - 110 - 50
MCA - 15.5 - 31 - 14
MIC - 3.2 - 9 - 4
Gerakan - 3.7 - 10 - 4
Others - 5.5 - 39 - 18
Total BN - 63.8 - 199 - 91
Total Opposition - 36.2 - 20 - 9

Abdullah’s current cabinet lineup is a lopsided representation of the different communities in this country. UMNO controls 73% of the Cabinet. Like in Parliament, decisions are pushed through to serve the agenda of the majority UMNO party. We are often told that important issues were discussed in Cabinet meetings and decisions were made by consensus. But who makes up the consensus? MCA? MIC? Gerakan? The non-UMNO parties in the coalition are subservient to UMNO in the BN. UMNO controls the Cabinet and the Government.

What is most disappointing is that some of the non-UMNO politicians have become pathetic apologists for UMNO. The MCA has been prostituting themselves for UMNO. They are never a threat but a tool used by UMNO to garner Chinese votes. As for Gerakan, UMNO is content with them staying on in Penang. Tan Sri Koh Tsu Koon already has his hands full trying to stabilize the rocking boat in Penang. Gerakan’s partners in the coalition, the MCA and UMNO, are keeping the good Tan Sri busy ensuring Gerakan is still relevant in the Malaysian political scene. That is why he remains the nice, cool, impartial politician always. I don’t even want to go into the MIC leadership. They are a class by themselves.

Abdullah’s Cabinet Line-Up (June 2007)
(Source: www.parlimen.gov.my)

Parties - No. of cabinet positions - % of cabinet positions
UMNO - 24 - 73
MCA - 4 - 12
MIC - 1 - 3
Gerakan - 1 - 3
Others - 1 - 3
Total - 33 - 100

Many of us may still remember the following statements by Abdullah during the 2004 election campaign.
- “I am the No. 1 public servant”
- “Work with me, not for me”
- “Sharing power means sharing a future together”

Strong, powerful statements that renewed hopes for some voters. Some probably gave him the benefit of the doubt after 22 years of Mahathirism. Malaysians by nature are nice gullible people.
Talk is cheap but what have changed in the last 3 years of UMNO’s rule? BN’s 2004 manifesto states among other things:.

- BN ensures that no group is neglected or left behind
- BN ensures that each community is represented
- We believe in the fair and equitable sharing of the fruits of economic growth.

Development must benefit all areas of the country and all groups. Those in need will continue to receive support. No group will be left behind.
Debates on the NEP have always been a contentious issue. It is often used by certain UMNO politicians to score political brownie points. And when the debates get hot, the ugly spectre of May 13 is often used to silence the critics. The fact remains that the NEP is here to stay for a long time, whether we like it or not. While poverty level is reported to have been reduced, the NEP itself has created thousands of elite multi-millionaires. The well connected are the immediate beneficiaries of the NEP. In the recent Budget speech on Sep 7, Abdullah announced that beginning 2008, all PLC’s (Public Listed Companies) will have to disclose in their annual financial reports their organisation’s racial composition and programs to develop Bumiputra vendors. Private enterprises are slowly pressured to throw out meritocracy to support UMNO’s NEP. I really like to see all GLC’s (Government Linked Companies) disclose their racial composition too. In the 9MP, Islamisation has been subtly sneaked in via Islam Hadhari. Social and economic development are done in the name of Islam Hadhari. Abdullah needs to leave something behind; like Vision 2020 is to Mahathir, Islam Hadhari is to Abdullah.

More pledges from Abdullah and his team:

- BN cares about your needs and will seek your views on important issues
- BN safeguards the interests of all citizens. We listen to and act on the aspirations of all groups regardless of age, gender, ethnic background and religion.
- All ethnic groups are represented in the BN. Power sharing is genuine, together with a strong spirit of togetherness and “give and take”.

Recent happenings in the country show the sincerity of Abdullah’s pledges. The media was ordered not to bring up sensitive issues. Public forums on certain issues were disallowed. A few socio-political bloggers and their families were harassed or hauled in by the authorities in an attempt to bring fear to them and to curtail their blogging. Some young UMNO political upstarts even had the audacity to tell MCA’s senior leaders to “shut up” and not bring up sensitive issues. And UMNO leadership seems to condone these UMNO young punks as they got away without even a slap on their wrists. In Parliament, certain UMNO MP’s have the habit of denigrating and insulting other ethnic groups and the female gender. Our Federal Constitution (which is the Supreme Law of our Land) has been very subtly amended over the years to suit some powerful agenda. And we are not allowed to debate these issues in public because they are “sensitive”. That is the real spirit of Barisan’s sharing of power and “give and take”.

- “Make a pledge to yourself in the name of God that I’ll not accept bribes. That I will not be bribed”
- BN will continue the all out campaign against corruption, without fear or favour.

The rakyat cannot help feeling that these are all mere “talk cock”. Corruption is so entrenched in our system that it is now done openly. The corrupted are bolder nowadays because they know the ACA has lost its credibility. It is always the standard response of “not enough evidence” or “no official reports were made”. The RM6.75B Navy patrol boat fiasco unearthed by the Auditor-General and the RM4.6B Port Klang Free Zone “ghost” town scandal are recent examples. The rakyat are still waiting for Abdullah to bring in the “big fish”, without fear or favor. I think Abdullah has failed the rakyat miserably on this one.

- BN will improve the level of personal safety of every individual
- BN will enhance the efficiency and integrity of the Police force

Despite what the authorities claim, public security is at an all time low. Violent crime has become more rampant, organized crime is rearing its head and the police force is at its lowest level of public confidence. Several high profile criminal cases were discharged because of poor prosecution. Further, it doesn’t help public confidence when there was in-fighting between different police departments and the Internal Security Ministry. So who is actually running the Police and the Internal Security? Abdullah, who is the Internal Security Minister, seems to be letting them slug it out among themselves.

Abdullah also said : “I am adamant that my agenda not be mere sweet promises or election promises. The Government that I lead has proven that we work for the rakyat and not for votes”.

The Government recently announced several mega projects.

- Iskandar Development Region (IDR) in Johore - RM42b
- Trans-Peninsular oil pipeline - RM25b
- Ipoh-Padang Besar double track railway - RM10b
- New 40km LRT link with underground tunnel in KL - RM10b
- Bakun undersea cable - RM8b
- High speed train to S’pore - RM8b
- Hulu Langgat water treatment project, Selangor - RM5b
- Pahang-Selangor interstate water transfer - RM4b
- West coast highway - RM3b
- Penang’s Second Link - RM2.7b
- Penang monorail - RM1.2b
- River cleaning project - RM1b
- Northern Corridor Economic Region (NCER) - RM40b and counting
- Eastern Corridor Economic Region (ECER) - To be announced
- Sabah Economic Corridor - To be announced
- Sarawak Economic Corridor - To be announced

Based on past history and records, many wonder how much of these billions will be wasted and how much will benefit the UMNO Putras and their cronies.

As what Abdullah said in his 2004 manifesto, “You have the choice to determine the future of the Nation. The Government you choose should be able to protect and advance the interests of all citizens”. Very well said! We deserve the Government we voted in.

The coming GE will be won by BN again with another thumping majority. There is no doubt about this. There will be more of the same “we have the people’s mandate” crap. Let your conscience decide for you if you want more of the same. Do not be fooled by rhetorics. Remember, a vote for BN is a vote for UMNO. So do the right thing. See the woods beyond the trees. Exercise your democratic rights wisely if you do not agree with what this UMNO Government is doing to this country. Cast your votes wisely. The least you could do is to ensure the future of your children and your children’s children. Their future is in our hands.

(This writer will vote for any political party that has integrity and respects all ethnicity and faith. He recalled the story of his grandfather who braved the treacherous seas to search for a better life in the Nanyang many years ago. He escaped poverty, famine and the clutches of Communism so that his next generations may have a better future. This writer is eternally grateful to his grandfather.)

A Million Malaysian Emigrated due to NEP

by
Lim Guan Eng

A million Malaysians who voted with their feet by emigrating overseas for the last 35 years is the strongest indictment of the failure, injustices and discrimination of the NEP implemented in 1970. This figure of a million Malaysians emigrating overseas is seen as conservative estimate of the 30,000 Malaysians leaving yearly. What is unexpected is that there are more Malays than non-Malays emigrating where 70% giving up their citizenship are Malays.

According to Deputy Home Affairs Minister Datuk Tan Chai Ho, some 106,000 Malaysians had given up their citizenship between 1996 and April this year. Of the figure, 70% or 79,100 were Malays, 25,107 Chinese, 1,347 Indians and 350 of other races. Marrying a foreigner was the main reason given by women while most men cited better career options. The preferred top five destinations of ex-Malaysians were the United States, Australia, Taiwan, Singapore and Indonesia. These figures are believed to be understated as they do not include those citizens who do not inform the Malaysian authorities so that they can secretly enjoy dual citizenship or are Permanent Residents in foreign countries.

For these Malaysians to cite better career options proves the failure of Malaysia human resource policy where there is no room for talented Malaysians. Now even Malays, the target of preferential treatment by the NEP, feel the same way as non-Malays that there is no equal opportunity for them to promote their career.

Such a loss of human resources may be the reason why Malaysia has lagged behind in development as compared to countries such as South Korea or Singapore and is slowly being overhauled by Thailand and Vietnam. In 1966 annual per capita Gross Domestic Product(GDP) of South Korea was less than US$ 130 as compared to Malaysia’s US$350. By 2005 according to the International Monetary Fund., GDP per capita in South Korea had far exceeded Malaysia at US$16,421 as compared to Malaysia’s US$5,040.

The New Economic Policy(NEP) and the 30% bumi equity requirement are the principal reasons why Malaysia performed worse than South Korea. Instead of promoting transparency, we promote corruption. Instead of technical “know-how” we have political “know-who”.

Abdullah’s vision of modeling our economy propelled by skilled human capital and innovation will remain a pipe-dream if he continues to rely on quotas instead of merit. Lack of competitiveness, inefficiency and poor productivity is the price we pay for the government’s continued reliance on the NEP.

By denying talented Malaysians from realizing their potential, the government has caused a massive brain-drain of qualified Malaysians to foreign countries. Singapore is a good example where Malaysians comprise such a critical component of the country’s workforce, that Singapore’s economy and health system would collapse without Malaysians.

The time has come for the abolition of the NEP. When we are celebrating our 50th Merdeka anniversary, Malaysia should be looking forward to the next 50 years instead of looking backwards by relying on policies such as the NEP that has failed. We are now in the 21st century and should be using 21st century ideas of merit, competitiveness and efficiency to increase economic productivity instead of racial quotas and crony capitalism.

Indonesians better off than local Indians

by unknown

The Govt's announcement (26th February 2007) of its intention to build schools for 34,000 Indonesian children was applauded by the Indonesian Govt who called Malaysia its "very good friend". Not only do we provide jobs for MILLIONS of Indonesians, we will also provide quality education for free with better facilities than they enjoy back home in Indonesia.

To me, this is somewhat a surprise. The 9th Malaysia Plan provided no allocation for the building of any more vernacular Chinese and Tamil schools and when MCA youth officials questioned the absence of allocation, UMNO youth's Datuk Hashim Bin Suboh from Perlis (at the last UMNO Gen Assembly) asked Datuk Hishammudin what he was going to do next with the Keris now that he had unsheathed it, kissed it and waved it about. He was suggesting that the MCA's demands for the construction of Chinese schools be handled by more than just verbal debate.

Every single unspent Ringgit earned by the Indonesians are remitted back home whereas the wealth of Malaysia 's citizens are reinvested in the country. The Govt machinery runs on taxation income derived from its citizens but spent on the children of Indonesian immigrants who incidentally according to Police statistics account for 33% of all crime in the nation.

The real losers in this scenario are members of the Indian community. Particularly the uneducated who are deprived of the same level of educational opportunity as the children of Indonesian immigrants. And now with free and better education, we can expect even more Indonesians to come over to Malaysia as public education in Indonesia is not cheap. With the population of Indonesians already exceeding the number of Indians in the country, one wonders if there is a hidden agenda to dilute the population mix any further.

How many "Indonesian Malaysians" are currently enjoying Bumiputra benefits? How many of them are already enjoying Govt sponsorships and aid for various reasons? The answers are a well kept secret.

The MIC youth leaders were lamenting the fate of Indians in the country recently. Because of public prejudice against Indians, employers were reluctant to employ them. The police have a habit of indiscriminately arresting every Indian youth insight every time a crime occurs and keeping them in lock up for days. As a result, the youth are reluctant to return to work, unable to explain their absence. Those who do are pressured out of employment when the reason for their absence is revealed. The number of uninvestigated deaths of Indian youth in Police lock ups around the country is rising. And the MIC is looking more disempowered by the day.

The racial polarization caused by UMNO's superiority complex is creating a stronger spirit of protectionism among the Chinese which doesn't help the fate of Indians in Malaysia. Malaysia has forgotten the contribution of its Indian citizenry. Recently, the Selangor state Govt evicted 43 Indian families who had occupied a plot of Govt land in Kuala Selangor for over 80 years. Their appeal for a stay of the eviction order was denied by the Chief Minister of Selangor who incidentally is the son of
an Indonesian immigrant.

I write to appeal to you all to stop thinking of the Indian underclass as somebody else's problem. Indians are intelligent, hard working and loyal. But the level of frustration, lack of confidence and lack of entrepreneurship among them is the result of the selfishness of the Govt. With collective contribution of society, this can all change.

Why single out PTPTN defaulters only?

taken from Malaysiakini.com

by VRK

I refer to the malaysiakini report PTPTN loan defaulters will lose passport.

I am appalled at this report which says that PTPTN loan defaulters will be prohibited from leaving the country if they are not up to date with their repayments.

While I fully agree that stern action should be taken to recover the amounts owing, discriminatory and unjust actions cannot be condoned in the name of convenience.

There is inefficiency in the collection system and I understand the authorities are looking for a suitable CEO to lead PTPN. But my point is why just take this sort of action against PTPN loan defaulters only?

What about loan defaulters of JPA, Petronas, TNB, TMB, Mara, state and other statutory bodies? Why single out PTPTN defaulters only?

And how about those who owe government all sort of monies such as rates, EPF, assessment, fines, school fees, car and housing loans, stamp duty fees and so on? If one is being prohibited from leaving the country (presently only enforced for income tax defaulters) then it should be
applied to all and every one who owes government money.

Otherwise this is discriminatory and our constitution specifically prohibits it, doesn’t it?

"Malaysian Malay" by a Singaporean Malay

by Dr.Syed Alwi

As you know, I am an avid watcher of Malaysian affairs. I must confess that lately, Malaysia appears to be failing. Not a day passes by without more events that clearly highlight Malaysia's race-religion fault-line. If things keep going this way, I fear for Malaysia's future.

Today, schools in Singapore celebrate Racial Harmony Day. I can visibly see the joy in the children's faces as they wear their ethnic costumes and have fun together at school. But in Malaysia - even the right to choose a religion has become a sensitive, national issue. No doubt, there are many in Malaysia who hate my liberal views on Islam, family included. But I will say what I must say openly. I have come to the conclusion that Malaysia cannot progress any further without first addressing fundamental questions regarding its identity and soul.

I remember the days when we can laugh at Lat's cartoons on everyday Malaysian life. But sadly, the Islamic tide has polarised Malaysians. Some people ask why I should bother about Malaysian affairs since I am a Singaporean. May I remind Malaysians that it was Tan Siew Sin who once said that Singapore and Malaysia are Siamese Twins. Should Malaysia go down - it would hurt the region tremendously. Especially Singapore.

Where do you think Malay apostates would head for if Lina Joy loses her case? Singapore of course! I find the Malaysian Malay to be very under-exposed. For them, Islam and the NEP and everything under the sun would sort itself out. I am sorry to say this - but Islam and the NEP may be the cause of the undoing of the Malaysian Malay.

There is nothing wrong with religion or affirmative action. But, like everything else in life, they must be taken in moderation and with a pinch of salt. A little doubt is good. Unfortunately in Malaysia , emotions over Islam have overcome reason. What we see today is the result of the NEP and Islamisation policies of the past thirty years or so.

No one owes Malaysian Malays a living. Let me assure you that should Malaysia fail - the Malaysian Malay will suffer enormously. And rightly so. After all - they have been pampered with all sorts of goodies over the years. They cannot now expect more goodies. Perhaps the day of reckoning for them, is near. Whatever it is, Malaysia had better wake up to the realities around her. The globalised world of the 21st century has no NEP to offer the Malaysian Malay. And humans cannot live by religion alone.

Next generation of Indians are going to suffer

Taken from Malaysiakini.com

by K Narayanasamy

It is particularly interesting to note that many Indian Malaysians throng the president's house and office to have a good breakfast and other forms of aid - and this can easily be interpreted as a creation of a big crowd of beggars who do not know where else to go for help.

It is the insatiable ego of the president that has kept the making of all major decisions to himself. Being the only Indian cabinet minister, all the 'extras' from the system within his grasp are given out as alms to those who approach him from far and near. Isn't this a wonderful feudal system to maintain loyalty towards 'the supreme one'?

If only Indians living anywhere in this country could get whatever help they needed as citizens of this nation from the local MIC service centres and government agencies without having to go on a pilgrimage to meet the grand leader. Then we could be proud of the accomplishments of the leadership of MIC. But such a practice will be possible only through a wide-based leadership development and empowerment approach.

The MIC president's success should be gauged from the manner in which government policies are implemented as he should be spending his energies in ensuring that the policies are not detrimental to the Indians - whether in the awards of contracts, in the awards of scholarships, in the recognition of Tamil schools as fully-aided by the government, in the recruitment of Indian Malaysians for employment in the public sector and the like.

We know that the president is making himself very 'visible' in 'helping' the Indians thereby projecting an image as the 'saviour' of the community. Therein lies the greatest weakness and danger for the community.

If one looks into the resolutions passed at the recently concluded general assembly of the MIC, one begins to wonder whether this is a new party just starting to champion the cause of the Indian Malaysian. Mere rhetoric at meetings and general assemblies seem to satisfy those who attend them by and large as they are well chosen to 'represent' the branches.

The present racially-segregated party system within the BN that has MIC as the sole representative of the Indians has created this ‘lose-lose’ situation for the community, except for those who are fortunate enough to be in the higher echelon of society. Unfortunately, in time to come, unless a meaningful intervention/dialogue is initiated on behalf of the community with the leaders of the other races, the next generation of Indian Malaysians are going to suffer.

The present style and modus operandi of MIC in representing the Indians may not yield the desired results for the majority of the community.

Samy Vellu, MIC and Malaysian Indians

by prabu

The only so called champion for the Malaysian Indians in the last 3 decades is the one and only Samy Vellu. His journey to where he is now has not been easy. He worked his way up from rags-to-riches. However scandals, gangsterism, corruption, swindle, empty promises have marred his reputation but his iron-fist autocracy in his party has ensured his survival. He remains the undisputed most powerful leader of a political party in the nation.

Apart from the infamous Maika and Telekom scandals in the past, the recent toll hikes, MRR2 flyover incidents, public building mishaps, deplorable conditions of Tamil schools, his ignorance the recent temple demolition sphere by local governments and the Hindu-Muslim couple apostasy cases have thrown his sincerity of being the Malaysian Indians champion into question.

In the past he might have got away from this type of incident, however people are well informed now with the progress of internet. He could claim that in the recent Ijok by-election, results show 80% of Ijok Indian voters crossed BN on the ballot paper. However this people are basically rural folks and would be happy if their basic amenities and infrastructure are taken care of. Thus, they were bought over with instant road resurfacing, street lights, temple renovations promises and election ang-pows. This officially turned the by-election to a buy-election. According to Malaysiakini, thugs were even used to block the ingress of opposition to the their residential area during the by-election. They would also most likely regularly watches the RTM Tamil News and reads Tamil Nesan which is a propaganda arm of MIC and Samy Vellu.

How is he going to win over urban folks? His got a mountain to climb. I personally have witnessed my friends from all walks of life changing their perception about the Malaysian government and MIC when they are exposed to the news blogs and electronic media where government has virtually no control. These blogs are not only run by the oppositions, but rather more and more unhappy Malaysian like myself find this as a their way of sharing their thought with fellow countrymen throughout the world. Being in a foreign land where most of the government policies are made transparent and debatable gives a more secured feeling than living in a country like Malaysia where most government is a policy comes with a hidden agenda and not questionable.

Albeit all this, it is undeniable there have been some contribution from MIC to the Indian community. This is especially in the education sector, where we have seen the emergence of TAFE College have played a major role in moulding vocational and technical skilled personnel among the middle class and lower class Indian, MIED Education Fund have helped hundreds of Indian student to continue their higher studies, though it comes with a 6% interest rate. Indians would have been a better community if Samy Vellu had managed to eradicate nepotism and caste based politics MIC, more thorough action to address gangsterism among Indians youths, more funds for Tamils Schools and upgrade of living standards of estates and rural Indian folks.

Failure of MIC to get another ministerial post for MIC in the cabinet, increase the number of Excos in State Assemblies and MPs have significantly reduced their credibility to fight for Indian plight in Malaysia. Samy Vellu failures to choose a creditable candidate but rather those who scratch his back nearly cost them a seat in the name of Ijok. This was voiced by the Ijok locals where they claimed they have hardly seen previous ADUN K. Sivalingam in the constituency since the last election. The last thing we want in our voted representatives, are those who take up the position merely to expand their businesses and personal wealth rather than serving the public.

Barisan Nasional and Racial Polarisation

by prabu

Barisan National or The National Front can be seen as one of the main cause on why the multiracial society remain unintegrated. The racial based party coliation is the core to the other racial based organisation in the country. Racial based societies are even encouraged at school levels. This should be replaced with National Societies (Persatuan Kebangsaan) which comprises all races. This promotes participation of all races in any single racial based activity.

Though the UMNO (United Malay National Organisation) led National Front coliation implemented various projects and activities at all levels to strengthen racial integration but as long as racial politics are practiced in Malaysia, there does not seem any real inspiration within the society towards real integration.

The ultimate barrier from forming a single party to replace the coalition certainly is the Bumiputera (son of the soil or generally Malays) special rights which being strongly upheld by UMNO even after strong opposition by the non-Bumiputeras (mainly Chinese and Indian). This recently intensified after a government agency recently published a statistic which showed the Bumiputera have achieved the initial 30% economic equity target in the country as outlined in the first New Economic Policy (DEB) in 1971.

On 31 August 2007, Malaysia shall celebrate 50 years of independence. The National Front has been the government since the British granted Malaysia independence from British Colonial rule. However, it would appear that any move to dissolve the coalition to form a single party remains almost an impossible task due to strong racial divides in the party system.